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This study was conducted in 1971 and based on a survey of 69 villages. A repeat survey of these villages was done in 1996 to see changes in practice of untouchability (Shah 1998). To what extent and in which spheres has untouchability been abolished and in which spheres is it observed? The first study looks into the practice of untouchability in seventeen spheres of village life, which include the private and public domain.

The practice of untouchability in the seating arrangement of the students in village schools was negligible in 1971; it had disappeared in 1996. SC and non-SC students intermingle in the school freely. However their friendship in many villages does not extend after the school hours. Non-SC teachers do not discriminate against SC students but they are not easily accessible to SC students outside the school boundary. Not all the schools have the facility of drinking water for students. Where it exists, all students take water from the common vessel.

Nearly 10 per cent of the village schools have teachers belonging to SCs. None of them complained that their colleagues discriminate against them in school. However, except in south Gujarat, these teachers do not get accommodation in the high-caste locality of the village. They either commute from their village or from the nearby town or they rent a house from the SC locality.

Almost all villages are covered by State Transport. Except in seven per cent of the villages, untouchability is not observed while boarding and sitting in the bus. Crude discrimination against SC is observed in one per cent of the villages, where untouchables are almost denied the right to sit with an upper-caste person. In the remaining 6 per cent of the villages, untouchability is practiced in nebulous form. That is, a member of the SC is expected to stand up and offer the seat to a high caste passenger; or the latter is allowed to board the bus first.

The 1971 study found that there were certain restrictions on the free movement of the SCs on some roads in as many as 60 per cent of the villages. Their number has declined considerably. Yet the SCs encounter some restrictions on their movement in 23 per cent of the villages. As such, there is no ban on the SCs using certain village roads. But they do become victims of wrath varying from abuse to even physical assault if they enter the streets of the upper castes. They have to stop and give way to members of the upper castes, particularly Brahmins and Rajputs in general and elderly persons of the dominant upper castes in particular. Even in villages where the untouchables do not face restriction in their day-to-day movements, members of the upper castes subject them to mortifying comments.

Most of the village post-offices and postmen do not practice untouchability while giving stamps and taking money as well as delivering mail. The postmen go to the SC localities and hand over the mail to the addressee. But postal employees observe untouchability in 8 to 9 per cent villages. They do not give postal stationery and mail in the hand of the SC addressee. There has been a slight decline in the practice of untouchability during the last twenty years in delivering mail, but in the selling of stamps the proportion of villages practicing untouchability has increased. The postal employees observe untouchability in 8 per cent of the villages.

Open or subtle untouchability is practiced in panchayat meetings in 30 per cent of the villages, as against 47 per cent in 1971. The sitting arrangement in panchayat offices is common for all the members, but there is a tacit convention whereby certain seats are marked for SC members. Though tea and snacks are served to everyone, separate plates and cups are reserved for SC members, and stored separately. In the past SC members had to wash their used utensils, but no longer.

In most village temples, 75 per cent SCs are not allowed to enter beyond the threshold, though they may worship from a distance. One temple may be open for the SCs and another temple restricted from their entry. The SCs in many villages where their numbers are large have constructed temples in their localities to avoid confrontation.

In 1971, 44 villages had separate water facility for the SCs near their localities. Two villages had been added to this list in twenty-five years. Untouchability is not experienced in normal times, but when water is scarce, the SCs experience difficulty and discrimination in taking water from high-caste localities. In the remaining 23 villages in which the untouchables take water from the common source, untouchability is practiced in 61 per cent of the villages. In most such villages SC women take water after the upper-caste women, or their tap or position on the well is separately marked. In seven villages (11 per cent of the sample villages) the SC women are not allowed to fetch water from the well. They have to wait till the upper caste women pour water into their pots. The upper-caste women who shout at them constantly humiliate the SC women: "Keep your distance, do not pollute us!"

The practice of untouchability has strikingly declined in occupational activities, i.e. in buying and selling commodities. In 1971, in as many as 85 per cent of the villages SC members were barred from entering shops; now in 1996 shops in only 30 per cent villages are so restricted. Similarly the practice of untouchability in giving things and receiving money has been reduced from 67 per cent to 28 per cent.

The status of being formerly untouchable comes in the way of potential SC entrepreneurs. They fear that upper-caste members would not buy from their shop or would harass them. In a village in Ahmedabad a SC autorickshaw driver who asked for the fare from a sarpanch belonging to a middle caste was severely beaten. This is not a rare case, and such upper-caste attitude inhibits SC enterprise.

Most tailors do not practice untouchability. They touch the SC client to take measurement. However, in most cases they do not repair used clothes of the SCs. Nearly one-third of the potters observe untouchability while selling pots to SC clients. Most of the barbers (nearly 70 per cent) refuse their service to SC males. Muslim barbers do not practice untouchability. The traditional patron-client relationship still continues, though the client pays in cash for the service. A few barbers in large villages have set up shops. Many do not mind serving a SC client, but some do.

The extent of untouchability has remained almost intact in the sphere of house entry. Except a few villages, SC members of village society do not get entry beyond the outer room of the high caste. Even in villages where the young folk do not believe in physical untouchability, and who serve tea to SC guests in their houses, entry in the dining room is not encouraged.

The practice of untouchability has been considerably reduced in some of the public spheres which are directly managed by the state laws and which have a relatively non-traditional character like school, postal services and elected panchayats. The number of villages observing untouchability on public roads, restricting free movement of the SCs has considerably declined from 60 per cent in 1971 to 23 per cent in 1996, but it is too early to say that the untouchable is not discriminated against in the public sphere. As many as 30 per cent of the village panchayats still observe open or subtle discrimination with their elected members belonging to SCs.

Sukhadev Thorat
October - November 2002

Sukhadev Thorat is Professor, Center for the Study of Regional Development, School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

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